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Revisiting a checkpoint, and an unexpected message

The Jerusalem Post notes that Ala Abu Dhaim, the gunman who shot up the Merkaz HaRav yeshiva in Jerusalem:

…did not meet the typical profile of Palestinian attackers, police said. “He is not known to the security forces,” Jerusalem Police Chief Cmdr. Aharon Franco told Channel 2. “He was a normal man … who was going to wed soon.”

Franco added that the gunmen drove students to school for a living, once again denying Abu Dhaim’s family’s claim that he had been working at the Yeshiva. He said that while Abu Dhaim had recently become more religious, he was not devout. Franco said he believed Abu Dhaim had planned the attack some time in advance and that it was not a response to recent violence in the Gaza Strip.

This man was from Jabl Mukaber. in eastern Jerusalem. In a post last July, I wrote about a checkpoint at the edge of one of Jabl Mukaber’s several distinct neighborhoods, a mini-village called Sheikh Sa’ed. I have re-written it a bit and will offer it again. Ala Abu Dhaim must have known all about the suffering of his neighbors in Sheikh Sa’ed, and no doubt the situation there added to his rage.

The first part of this post enraged readers on the pro-Israel right. The second part enraged readers on the anti-Israel left. The rest of us must figure out how to live in the grey area where an understanding of moral ambiguity is a prerequisite to finding the truth.

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Checkpoints, the wall and an unexpected message

I think of Hannah often these days, now that I have begun to wade into the difficult task of conversing with the left on Israel. She is from Australia, in her late 50s, and has lived in Israel since the early ’70s. Hannah (not her real name) is one of the brave, tireless, often rather eccentric Israeli Jews (most of them women) who volunteer for Machsom Watch.

Machsom means “checkpoint.” These woman have taken it upon themselves to monitor the treatment of Palestinians at some of the most controversial checkpoints in the West Bank. Like the wall/barrier/fence (it can be any one of those things, depending on where it’s located), many of the checkpoints that were established in the last few years prevent Palestinians from traveling from one part of the West Bank to another without approval from Israeli Border Police or soldiers.

About a year ago, at the end of June 2006, I accompanied Hannah and her companion, J, to Sheikh Sa’ed. That is–or at least used to be–one of several distinct neighborhoods of Jabl Mukaber, a village on the eastern edge of Jerusalem. Jabl Mukaber was not annexed by Israel, so it is technically part of the West Bank. The residents of Sheikh Sa’ed are closely linked to Jabl Mukaber and the rest of East Jerusalem, where they have many family ties and go for many services.

The Israeli government had planned to extend the wall/barrier/fence so that it divided Sheik Sa’ed from Jabl Mukaber. But in March, 2006, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the planned route of the wall was improper. So the Israelis set up a permanent, staffed checkpoint at the entrance to Sheik Sa’ed. According a report from B’Tselem, the Israeli human rights organization (which calls Shei Sa’ed a “village”):

“Village residents who do not hold Israeli identity cards are forbidden to exit the village and enter Jerusalem . Even those who have permits to enter Israel are not allowed to cross the checkpoint. Instead they are directed to the Olive Checkpoint. To get to that checkpoint, they have to negotiate a long descent down the cliff on which the village lies. In fact the siege imposed by Israel means that those without Jerusalem identity cards with two ways to leave Sheikh Sa’ed : to go along a difficult and, for some residents, an impossible path down the cliff, or to enter Jerusalem illegally.

The siege affects every aspect of the resident’s lives. One of the most serious consequences is its effect on access to medical treatment: the village has no medical clinic, so the residents have to go to facilities in East Jerusalem, in most cases to Jabel Mukaber, which lies about 100 meters from the entrance to Sheikh Sa’ed. The villagers have difficulty obtaining essential foodstuffs and other consumer needs.

When we arrived there, Hannah, J and I got past the checkpoint and walked into Sheikh Sa’ed, where a cab driver met us and drove us around. The women were there to bear witness, to take notes as they talked to villagers. From the top of the steep, sloping donkey path that is now the only way in and out of the neighborhood for many residents, we watched two teenage boys hauling some wood up the hill. Hannah told me that if people have physical problems, like asthma, and can’t make it up the hill, they are stuck in the village. They can’t get out.

An old man with a cane walked past us and gingerly moved down the donkey path. He appeared to be tip-toeing. The women took notes. The cab driver ticked off a number of indignities, like the tear gas that the Border Police had tossed at some teenagers who had approached the checkpoint, talking loudly and boisterously, but, he claimed, had meant no harm.

In rejecting the state’s plans to build the wall/barrier there, the Israeli court had indicated there was no evidence that these people posed a direct security threat to the State of Israel, Hannah told me. But the Court did urge the Israeli government to build the barrier on another route, further east. As we walked back through the checkpoint to her car, she said, loudly, so a young Border Policeman could hear, “The Germans said they didn’t know. They didn’t know what was happening. I know. I know what is happening.”

She was reluctant to talk politics, to examine the big picture. As we drove away, I kept pressing about her political beliefs, and all she would tell me was that she didn’t vote for Meretz. She was “way left” of Meretz, she said.

But later, as we drove past the wall at Abu Dis, I heard something unexpected from Hannah.

I asked her the inevitable question that must be asked by anyone who insists on seeing both sides’ points of view: “But don’t you think the wall and the checkpoints have stopped terrorists?”

She gave me the standard, post-Zionist answer, something along the lines of “It has nothing to do with security. It’s just there to control people, to humilate them.”

I kept at it. I said that, at one point a few years back, moderates in the Palestinian Authority had accepted the idea of some kind of barrier, as long as it was on the Green Line. The PA had been unable to control Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and they appeared to understand that, for the time being, the State of Israel had to do something to stop suicide bombers. They were not happy about the wall/barrier/fence, but as long as it did not cut a swath through the West Bank, at least some PA officials appeared to be willing to live with it, for the time being. I told Hannah that I knew this to be true because I had heard them voice that sentiment.

Then Hannah said, “It would be ugly. It would be horrible…I could live with it, too.”

I expressed surprise. I had been assuming, without thinking much about it, that she was in the same camp as the international leftists who urge Israel to just tear down the “apartheid wall,” demolish it unilaterally, pretend there is no need for concerted negotiations, pretend there is no problem, pretend there is no blood feud that has been going on for a hundred plus years.

Instead, Hannah said, simply, “There are people who don’t want me here.”

So here she was, the kind of Israeli witness who feeds the fury of anyone with a smidgeon of concern for basic human decency and humanity. But even Hannah, who spent her days exposing the nightmarish conditions of Palestinians under occupation, wanted a wall or a barrier to protect her children, grandchildren, friends and neighbors from getting blown to bits.

I haven’t the faintest idea what Israel should do right now about the wall/fence/barrier, other than ensuring that it doesn’t cut through Palestinian villages and olive groves, and re-routing those parts of it that jut into the West Bank to protect far-flung Israeli settlements, and announcing, loudly and clearly, that it is TEMPORARY, a security measure that can be eliminated if and when there is a political settlement. As for the system of checkpoints and other obstacles to Palestinian movement, Peace Now says the vast majority of them do not protect Israeli security. But it still calls for 35 of them to remain. Sharing the rage of people who don’t want old men to be forced to tip-toe down old donkey paths does not mean that one should ignore the worries and fears of Israeli parents who don’t want their kids to be slaughtered in supermarkets and discos.

To call out, simply and passionately, “Tear down the apartheid wall” at demonstrations, without offering a reasonable, immediate solution to those Israeli parents, is to tell them they should not worry about their kids. One could say, “Hannah should not be there,” Hannah should go back to Australia, the whole experiment should be summarily cancelled. That’s not just offensive; it is unrelated to objective reality, yet I read comments like that all the time on the lefty blogs.

Hannah isn’t leaving, and that is a good thing. She and her comrades rage and rage against the brutality and dehumanization that is an inevitable consequence of the occupation. She refuses to stop holding a mirror up to the Israelis who bear much of the responsibility for this unremitting tragedy. But they do not bear that responsibility alone. While Hannah rages, she also needs to protect herself and the people she loves. She is faced with conflicting moral imperatives that are impossible to reconcile. As some point, I suspect, she stopped trying to reconcile them, like a lot of Israelis who have as much concern for human rights and justice as the sloganeers on the anti-Israel left.

13 thoughts on “Revisiting a checkpoint, and an unexpected message

  1. Dan, sorry, but “PERHAPS the situation there added to his rage”?

    What do you think might be the other possible explanations?

    Do you think he was just an irrational “blame-the-Jews-for-everything” type maybe?

    Or maybe he had just got laid off at his other job (at the post office)?

    Could he have been socially isolated and cruelly taunted by his peer group, maybe listening to a little too much Marilyn Manson?

    I get the gist of your post here but do you really have to use such strong language linking Palestinian violence and Zionist dispossession and domination–“Perhaps the situation there added to his rage”–if the jury is still out on this one?

  2. Perhaps he wanted to demonstrate that there were not enough checkpoints in his village and terrorists can easily evade the few that are there.

    So he committed a massacre of rabbinical students in order to prod the Israelis to put in more checkpoints and thus avert future terrorist acts of this type.

  3. Dan didn’t mention recently expressed calls by some Israelis for increased roadblocks and checkpoints to restrict the movements of Jerusalem’s Arabs. So, while Jonathan was being facetious (and too macabre for my tastes), it may be that the gunman has in fact added to the suffering that Dan describes

  4. Teddy, since you’re big on condemnation of Palestinian violence, let me just say that I find the gunman’s actions horrendous and tragic for both the Israeli victims and their families, as well as the future victims of Israeli retaliation, who are sure to number two or three times more.

    Obviously some Palestinians’ choice to fight against their dispossession using the same violent tactics of the Haganah and Irgun in the past has incurred massive suffering. But who the hell are any of us to tell them how to respond to their catastrophic dispossession?

    In the end, it all comes down to Zionists belieiving Israeli lives are just inherently worth more.

    Dan, I think it’s brave what you wrote, but again I must ask–isn’t there a pretty obvious ideological root to the suffering there in Jabl Mukaber?

    Not expecting a response, just food for thought.

  5. Doubletalk:

    “””I find the gunman’s actions horrendous and tragic”””

    “””But who the hell are any of us to tell them how to respond to their catastrophic dispossession?”””

    Virtually all of us agree with the first statement, but the second statement contradicts the first.

    Its doubletalk.

  6. I see, Jonathan. So is it your basic position that Zionists are allowed to steal and violently take as much as they want of the Palestinians’ land and water, and the Palestinians, if indeed there even are any “Palestinians”, must make no objections, because a) the Holocaust entitles Zionists to do whatever they deem necessary, and b) the Bible is completely historical and should serve as a land deed granting Zionists the entire land of Israel?

  7. It is my position that the following statements are contradictory, and anyone who makes both statements engages in doubletalk:

    “””I find the gunman’s actions horrendous and tragic”””

    “””But who the hell are any of us to tell them how to respond to their catastrophic dispossession?”””

  8. Jonathan,
    Perhaps he was attempting to demonstrate that the Merkaz haRav Yeshiva should do a better job of vetting its employees or should treat its employees better or both.

    Roadblocks don’t do much for residents of Jerusalem who are not enclosed by the barrier. This is one of the basic drawbacks of the barrier. It has a huge hole in it.

  9. Palestinians working in Israel sometimes do kill co-workers or customers at their places of employment. However, the killer in this case was not an employee of the yeshiva.

    In 2002 a janitor at Hebrew University placed a bomb at a meeting of the American students club. The bomb killed Marla Bennett, 24, of Berkeley and six others. Five of the victims were Americans.

    Similarly, back when Gazans could work in Israel a Gazan bus driver working in Israel intentionally crashed his bus into Israelis, killing several.

    Back in the 90s, when large numbers of Gazans worked illegally in Israel, some construction workers murdered two Israeli elevator technicians on a construction site they were all working on.

  10. ‘He Couldn’t Have Done This On His Own’

    Cousin of shooter says he didn’t know anything about Mercaz Harav.

    by Joshua Mitnick
    Israel Correspondent

    Just hours before he gunned down eight students at the Mercaz Harav Yeshiva here, 25-year-old Alaa Abu Dheim was on his way to afternoon prayers when he ran into his cousin Fadwa Abdoo in their east Jerusalem village of Jabel Mukaber…

    “This is what is driving us crazy. He didn’t know anything about this school,” said Abdoo. (Israeli police denied earlier reports that Abu Dheim was a driver for the yeshiva.) “We think that he couldn’t have done this on his own.””””

    http://www.thejewishweek.com/viewArticle/c40_a4855/News/Israel.html

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